The Rights of Children and the Redefinition of Parenthood1
Presentation by David Blankenhorn
Danish Institute for Human Rights
June 2, 2005
I am delighted to be visiting your beautiful country and this
great city, and I am honored to be speaking with you today in
this distinguished institute
dedicated to the great good and goal of human rights. It is
a great privilege for me to participate in such an important
conversation.
For surely the global human rights revolution
is one of the most important and impressive developments of
our time. With its deep roots in many of the world’s cultures
and religions, with its basic principles and forms of expression
owing much to the great 18th century enunciations of natural
and human rights in Europe and America, and with its modern
shape and direction stemming largely from the 1948 Universal
Declaration of Human Rights, today’s global human rights
revolution — a revolution still in progress — is
radically transforming the way that we think about ourselves
as individuals, as citizens, and (as we shall see) even as family
members.
Rights talk
has become the way that we talk about many of our most
important needs and aspirations. As with most revolutions,
the results to date are mixed. The human rights revolution today
is producing problems as well as successes. But mostly it is
producing successes, leading around the world to more human
freedom, a more universal respect for human dignity, and greater
and more widespread opportunities for full human flourishing.
Particularly at the international level,
the language of human rights has now become our primary language
for expressing our ideas of the good, especially as regards
universal minimum standards of justice. For this reason, for
better and for worse — and largely, I say again, for better
— rights talk has become the way that we talk
about many of our most important needs and aspirations. As the
Canadian human rights scholar Michael Ignatieff puts it:
Rights are not just instruments of the
law, they are expressions of our moral identity as a people.
When we see justice done — for example, when an unjustly
imprisoned person walks free, when a person long crushed by
oppression stands up and demands her right to be heard —
we feel a deep emotion rise within us. That emotion is the
longing to live in a fair world. Rights may be precise, legalistic,
and dry, but they are the chief means by which humans express
this longing.
Today I want to speak with you about this
global human rights revolution as it applies to the institutions
of marriage and the family. I speak today as an American, with
perhaps more than my share of distinctly American biases and
preoccupations, but I believe that the issues I will raise are
relevant to current trends and developments in many other societies
as well.
In particular, I want to focus today on
two basic human rights. The first is the right to marry and
to found a family — a right that was formally articulated
in Europe as early as the 12th century in Christian canon law,
and a right that is enunciated explicitly in both the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights and the Charter of Rights of the
European Union. The second right I would like us to examine
today is the right of the child, in so far as possible, to know
and be raised by her own two natural biological parents, except
when it is contrary to the best interests of the child. This
right is clearly implied in the Universal Declaration, with
its insistence that the family is the natural — I emphasize
natural — and fundamental group unit of society, and it
is explicitly enunciated in the UN Convention on the Rights
of the Child. These two basic human rights, including how they
can both complement one another and conflict with one another,
constitute the story that I wish to tell today, and the recommendation
that I wish to make.
Now, as we know, a basic problem when we
use the language of human rights is the tendency and the temptation
to treat each specific right as if it stands alone, in splendid
isolation and reigning in absolute mastery, conveniently disconnected
from other rights that may conflict with it — and also
disconnected from any overarching anthropology or system of
values that alone permit us to adjudicate rights in conflict
and also to understand rights in relationship to duties, obligations,
and other human goods that cannot easily be expressed in terms
of rights. The obvious danger in this take-your-pick, cafeteria-style,
essentially de-contextualized approach to human rights is that
each right, in its isolated supremacy, tends to get expressed
in absolutist, totalizing terms. I fear that we in the United
States, trained as we are in what we call our “bill”
of rights, are particularly prone to this temptation, and that
as a result, we Americans have much to learn from the typically
more holistic, integrated human rights frameworks that are evident
in a number of other countries, including Denmark.
The institution
of marriage is intrinsically connected to the institution of
parenthood and to the values, norms, and social expectations
connected to bearing and raising offspring.
With these concerns in mind, let us consider first the right
to marry and found a family. As I mentioned, here we see one
of the oldest and most fundamental of human rights, dating in
Christendom from as early as the 12th century. Moreover, as
the wording of Article 16 of the Universal Declaration clearly
implies — the article states that men and women “have
the right to marry and to found a family” — this
right is in fact a compound right. That is, the right to marry
also implies and carries with it the right to bear and raise
children. Another way to make this point is to say that the
institution of marriage is intrinsically connected to the institution
of parenthood and to the values, norms, and social expectations
connected to bearing and raising offspring.
Today, in the United States and in many
western countries, this basic human rights is being expanded
and re-imagined in important new ways, with far-reaching implications
for society that I believe are only just now beginning to be
recognized and assessed. In essence, the new conceptualization
of this right is that all persons have the right to form the
families that they choose and to bear children in the way that
they choose.
This re-conceptualization of family rights
is driving, and being driven by, at least three distinct trends.
The first and probably most important is the rapid scientific
development, and the growing social acceptance, of assisted
reproductive technologies. Here I mean phenomena such as the
donation or sale of sperm and eggs to individuals or couples
who cannot or do not wish to conceive children in the traditional
way; surrogacy (or what the New York Times recently
called “professional child bearing”); the any-day-now
arrival of reproductive cloning; and any number of other amazing
and hard-to-understand medical techniques that essentially allow
us, for the first time in human history, to isolate and split
apart the genetic, gestational, and social-legal dimensions
of parenting.
The second trend, this one in the area
of family law, is the steady lessening, and in some cases nearly
full elimination, of distinctions between married and unmarried
persons in the eyes of the law. The third trend, also in the
area of family law, is the establishment of equal marriage rights
for gay and lesbian couples.
The essential
rights claim is that modern individuals have the right to form
families of their own choosing and bear children in the way
that they wish, without restriction or interference from society,
and with the full support of available medical and scientific
technologies. To a significant degree, these three trends
hang together. They largely complement and reinforce one another.
They are all defended by proponents who depend almost entirely
on the language of human rights. The essential rights claim
is that modern individuals have the right to form families of
their own choosing and bear children in the way that they wish,
without restriction or interference from society, and with the
full support of available medical and scientific technologies.
Let me very briefly cite a few examples
— most of them quite recent — of how this re-conceptualized
human right is now becoming operational in a number of western
societies. In New Zealand, a just-released report entitled “New
Issues in Legal Parenthood” proposes that many children
conceived with donor sperm or eggs should have three or more
legal parents, with sperm or egg donors being permitted, if
they wish, to “opt in” to parenthood. In Ireland,
just last week, a Commission on Assisted Reproduction proposed
that surrogate mothers have no legal standing with respect to
the children that they carry and bear, irrespective of their
wishes during or after the birth. The parents who “commission”
the child are the only legal parents from start to finish.
In Britain, in February of this year, the
government health service, worried about a drop-off in donated
sperm and eggs, began an active recruitment campaign to ask
new sperm and egg donors to come forward. In the United States,
after same-sex marriage became legal in the state of Massachusetts,
public health officials in that state proposed striking the
words “mother” and “father” from the
birth certificates of all children in that state, replacing
these words with the phrases “Parent A” and “Parent
B.” More broadly, the entire field of reproductive technology
as well as the broader fertility industry in the United States
continues in an almost entirely unregulated environment.
In Canada, in an amazingly contradictory
pair of moves, it is now the right of an adopted child to know
the identity of his or her biological parents; whereas in the
case of donor-conceived children, revealing to the child the
identity of his or her biological parents is a federal crime,
punishable by a fine, imprisonment, or both. Also in Canada
earlier this year, the federal government, as a part of its
implementation of equal marriage rights for gay and lesbian
couples, proposed striking the term “natural parent”
from all of Canadian law, and replacing it with the term “legal
parent.”
That sound you just heard is the earth
shifting. The social change I am describing contains a number
of dimensions and carries with it a number of important likely
consequences for families and for society, including (but probably
not limited to) an increase in personal freedom and autonomy,
greater recognition of the rights and dignity of gays and lesbians,
a weakening of marriage as a pro-child social institution, and
direct strides toward the marketization and commodification
of human reproduction. Each of these likely consequences —
and please notice that as a group, by most reckonings, they
would appear to be a decidedly mixed package — is important
and deserves serious consideration.
This erasing
of the biological basis of parenthood from the law... not only
represents a dramatic transfer of power from private life to
the state, but is also, I believe, contrary to the best interests
of children. But I want to focus today on just one of
the dimensions and consequences of this trend. I am referring
now to a fundamental redefinition of what it means to be a parent
and how we decide who are a child’s parents. Specifically,
I am referring to the phenomenon of erasing the biological basis
of parenthood from law and replacing it with the idea of the
state-defined “legal” parent. This erasure not only
represents a dramatic transfer of power from private life to
the state, but is also, I believe, contrary to the best interests
of children.
Which leads us to our consideration of
a second fundamental human right with respect to marriage and
the family — the right of the child, in so far as possible,
to know and be raised by its two natural parents.
It seems to me that this right of the child
to know her own two natural parents is just as much a right,
and just as important, and just as prominent in the history
of human rights discourse, as the right of the adult to marry
and found a family. As a sociological matter, we know that,
for children, biological parents matter. The social science
evidence on this point is overwhelming. I have been studying
the issue of child well-being for nearly two decades now, and
if from the perspective of the child there is a more important
idea than this one — for each child, a natural mother
and father who love the child and love each other — I
do not know what it is.
So it seems to me that we have a clear
case of rights in conflict. Making one right stronger almost
necessarily means making the other weaker. Greater regard for
adults’ expressive family and sexual needs means less
regard for children’s well-documented developmental needs,
and vice versa. Michael Ignatieff, a former teacher of mine
whom I quoted earlier, is apparently untroubled by this conflict.
In vigorously defending the right of adults to form the families
they choose and bear children in the way that they wish, Ignatieff
argues that the trend toward ever-greater adult autonomy is
in any case inevitable, since, as he puts it, “the rights
revolution appeals to an idea of equality and against this idea
there is no remaining court of appeal.”
Maybe so. But if there is any remaining
court of appeal, either in my country or in yours, surely that
court is a court that is focused first and foremost on the needs
of children. And surely about the only thing left in your country
and in mine that can effectively challenge or balance a rights
claim is … another rights claim.
Human rights
proponents today and in the coming period should work creatively
to develop and expand, particularly in light of new medical
and technological developments, the rights claims of children
with respect to marriage and the family. So here is my
recommendation. Just as human rights theorists in recent decades
have worked creatively to develop and expand the rights claims
of adults with respect to marriage and the family, so human
rights proponents today and in the coming period should work
creatively to develop and expand, particularly in light of new
medical and technological developments, the rights claims of
children with respect to marriage and the family. To make my
own small and initial contribution to this worthy endeavor,
let me conclude with four propositions about the rights of children.
1. Every child has the right, in so far
as society can make it possible, to know and be raised by its
two natural biological parents, except when it is contrary to
the child’s best interests. The implication of this right
is that society should recognize and support the institution
of marriage, since marriage is our only social institution that
seeks fully to unite, in the persons of the spouses, the biological,
social, and legal dimensions of parenthood. The great good and
goal of marriage is to give to each child the gift of the two
persons who brought the child into the world. For this reason,
marriage is society’s most pro-child social institution
and probably ultimately society’s single most important
protector and guarantor of the rights of children.
2. Every child has the right to a natural
biological heritage, defined as the union of the father’s
sperm and the mother’s egg. Society should typically refrain
from actions that would efface or deny the child’s natural
biological heritage, or what the French philosopher Sylvianne
Agacinski calls the child’s double origin.
3. Every child has the right to know his
or her biological origins. Individuals and society should typically
refrain from creating genetic orphans, or children who do not
and can not know their natural origins.
4. Children have the right to be heard.
Today, the rights claims of adults tend to come through loud
and clear. Children’s voices are much harder to hear.
So let me, to illustrate what I mean, briefly share with you
one such voice. Her name is Narelle Grech. She is from Australia.
She is writing to the Canadian ethicist Margaret Somerville
about a magazine article advocating society’s full embrace
of the new and emerging reproductive technologies. Grech writes:
I am a 22 year old donor conceived adult.
I am completely appalled and upset about this supposed solution
to shortages in donor eggs. To think that, in the 21st century,
humans are trading eggs and sperm for money and children really
saddens me.
IN the article, there is NO mention of
the affects such programs will have on the person born as
a result of such deals. That is what they are — deals;
we are bargaining and trading human beings here as though
they are items on supermarket shelves! Creating donor conceived
people who all of these consenting adults know will be unable
to trace their biological mothers is, to me, ignorant and
cruel.
I feel as though donor conceived people
are the last to be thought of in these trade deals;
only adults, including clinics, doctors and wannabe parents
are mentioned, and this statement of [Dr. Simons] is completely
false: “However, even if the numbers of patients opting
for such treatment drop, this would not constitute a criticism
of egg-sharing itself, a practice that provides clear benefits
to all participants and to society.”
Clear benefits to all participants and
society???????? This is a joke, right? So, the purpose of
these programs — the person being born as a result —
is obviously then not seen as someone of worth if you can
ignore the effects these agreements will have on them!
Have we as a society, learnt absolutely
nothing from such movements as adoption? To say and imply
that everyone is a-ok with this situation is naive. What about
the person being born as a result who has no say in this intentional
separation from their biological mother and their maternal
family??
What about their half siblings possibly
created form the same women’s egg donations, and her
children that she may go on to have? What about the questions
that the child/person may have as they grow up that their
parents will never be able to answer?
Little bits of non-identifying information
will not substitute for the real person's family!! You are
not only encouraging people to intentionally separate people
from their families, you are going to be the cause of people
who have to question their identity, and no on e on this earth
should ever have to do that.
How dare someone take away someone else's
freedom to know themself! If it one of the most de-humanising
experiences I have had to face in my life. To look in the
mirror on a day to day basis and question so much is one of
the works feelings.
Anonymous donation is completely unethical
and to suggest that everyone in society will be happy with
this egg-sharing deal really strikes me as ignorant advertising
by professionals and academics who know better.
One day the world will look back on these
experiments with human lives in disgust — I am sure
of it — and at the center will be the clinics, doctors
and “professionals” who thought this was all a
great idea...
To me these are among the most important
voices today in the field of human rights. Thank you very much.
Notes
1. Several ideas presented in this lecture,
in particular the ideas of the right to marry as compound right
and the danger of creating "genetic orphans," are
drawn from an important speech by Margaret Somerville, "Unlinking
Child-Parent Biological Bonds: The Link Between Adoption, New
Reproductive Technologies and Same-Sex Marriage." The speech
is the basis of one of her forthcoming Masssey Lectures to be
broadcast on the CBC "Ideas" program in November 2006.
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